7. Education

Education is one of the foundations of a society's development. Its accessibility, quality, and institutional independence shape the training of skilled professionals, scientific progress, economic competitiveness, and citizens' ability to independently understand and question government decisions. Its role in a democratic society goes beyond the acquisition of formal qualifications. Schools and universities are institutions where critical thinking, professional responsibility, and the freedom of intellectual creativity are developed. For this reason, the attitude of political authorities toward education is also an indicator of their attitude toward knowledge, expertise, and the independence of societal institutions.

Serbia's public education system includes preschools, elementary and secondary schools, state universities, and other institutions of higher education. Its funding and management are distributed among national, provincial, and local authorities, while the Ministry of Education has significant powers in organizing the school system and appointing directors. This institutional structure allows the government to directly influence education while also creating opportunities for political appointments, control over hiring, and pressure on employees' professional standing. When decisions about leadership, positions, and funding are subordinated to party interests, educational institutions can become part of the political hierarchy, instead of institutions whose work is primarily determined by professional criteria.

Universities in Serbia have a long history of institutional independence, with roots dating back to the Great School, founded in Belgrade in 1808. With the establishment of the University of Belgrade in 1905, autonomy was legally enshrined as one of its fundamental principles. Over the following decades, the academic community went through various state systems, wars, and periods of political repression, but it preserved the tradition of fighting for freedom of scholarly work, independence in academic decision-making, and the right to public expression. Today, the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia guarantees the autonomy of universities, higher education institutions, and scientific establishments, as well as the freedom of scientific and artistic creation. These rights are the result of a long historical development in which the university grew into one of the most important institutions of Serbia's social and intellectual life.

The major student strike of April 1936 holds a particularly important place in that history. During the strike, students at the University of Belgrade, then part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, opposed the authorities' intention to introduce a university police force, political repression, and the violence of right-wing organizations. During the conflict on April 4, law student Žarko Marinović was killed, and the weeks-long protest ended with the withdrawal of the decision to bring police onto the University campus and the dismissal of the then-rector. In memory of the slain student, April 4 is still celebrated today as the Day of the University of Belgrade Students. More than three decades later, in June 1968, students again took to the streets, this time in socialist Yugoslavia, demanding the reduction of social inequalities, the abolition of the political elite's privileges, the resolution of unemployment, and the democratization of society. During the winter of 1996–1997, students protested for months against the non-recognition of local election results by Slobodan Milošević's regime, demanding respect for the citizens' electoral will, accountability from the university leadership, and the protection of academic autonomy. These events, which occurred under different political and social circumstances, show that student organizing and the defense of university independence have an almost century-long tradition in Serbia and have been directly linked on multiple occasions to broader demands for civil liberties, social justice, and political accountability.

Serbia's political leadership since 2012 must be assessed not only by its long-term education policies, the quality of teaching, and investments in infrastructure and science, but also by how it treats the people working in educational institutions. Equally important are the professional standing of teachers, the independence of scientific work, and the protection of academic integrity. In all these areas, the question arises regarding the relationship between the formally proclaimed importance of education and its actual position among state priorities.

A particular problem is the erosion of the value of education through scandals related to academic qualifications and their use for political and professional advancement. For years, public debate in Serbia has included allegations involving thousands of fraudulent and purchased diplomas, as well as their use for professional and political advancement. Particular concern is raised by suspicions surrounding officials and cadres of the ruling political establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party and the Socialist Party of Serbia, from the smallest local governments, through provincial bodies, to the highest national institutions. Numerous controversies surrounding private higher education institutions, questionable academic titles, and the qualifications of public officials have raised the question of how important actual education and professional competence are for advancement within the political system. Among the most well-known examples is Megatrend University, whose founder, Mića Jovanović, was a long-time member of the SPS, and whose business dealings and the academic qualifications of certain high-ranking state officials have been the subject of public controversy for years. In a system where a formal diploma can become a means of political advancement regardless of actual knowledge, the efforts of generations who obtained their education through regular studies, professional development, and scientific work are devalued. The consequences of such an attitude toward education do not end with individual careers, but extend to the expertise of the civil service, the quality of public institutions, and the public's trust in their ability to perform their duties responsibly.

However, political control of education is not limited to career advancement and the misuse of academic qualifications. Particularly serious consequences arise when teachers, professors, and students who publicly express disagreement with government decisions face professional sanctions, administrative pressures, and restrictions on their rights. Events during 2025 and 2026 at the Fifth Belgrade High School and the Novi Sad High School "Jovan Jovanović Zmaj," two educational institutions with an exceptional historical tradition and reputation, showed how deeply such conflicts can affect entire school communities. Decisions about leadership, the position of teachers, and the organization of classes became the subject of lengthy disputes, protests by students and parents, as well as legal proceedings. In this way, the issue of political influence on education became directly linked to the professional independence of teachers, the rights of students, and the ability of parents to protect their children's interests.

Long-standing political pressures on educators, controversies over academic titles, professional sanctions, and restrictions on university autonomy took on particular gravity after November 2024, when a portion of the educational and academic community openly supported demands for institutional accountability. Physical attacks on students, the spread of faculty blockades, and the support of teachers and professors raised the question of the political authorities' attitude toward educational institutions whose social role entails independent thought, critical inquiry, and freedom of public action. The development of the student movement and its later inclusion in the electoral process showed that the government's attitude toward education is not an isolated issue of educational policy, but also one of the factors that determine the possibility of free civic and political organizing.

7.1. Educational Policy, Institutional Development, and the Devaluation of Knowledge

The state's attitude toward education cannot be judged solely by its legal responsibilities, regular funding of institutions, and occasional investments in school facilities. Its true value is determined by long-term investment, the quality of teaching, scientific development, professional standards, and the ability of institutions to protect education from political and business interests. Since the current political leadership came to power in 2012, Serbia has seen a particularly sharp contrast between the government's portrayal of education as a national priority and the persistent problems affecting educational quality, institutional independence, and the value placed on knowledge.

Long-term public finance data show that education spending has declined as a share of Serbia's economy. Its share of the gross domestic product was approximately 4.6% in 2009, while in 2022 it fell to about 3.2%, significantly below the European Union average. Such a trend is particularly significant for a country whose education system requires the modernization of curricula, the improvement of infrastructure, the development of scientific capacities, and the creation of better working conditions for teachers and researchers. The reduction of the education sector's share in overall economic activity demonstrates the importance of viewing government priorities through the actual allocation of public funds, and not just through political statements and the individual grand openings of renovated institutions.

These problems are also reflected in students' academic performance. The 2022 PISA international assessment showed that students from Serbia score below the average of developed countries in mathematics, reading, and science. Only 57% of fifteen-year-olds reached the basic level of mathematical literacy, while results have largely stagnated over the past decade. Such indicators do not just represent a problem with school curricula or teaching methods, but raise the broader question of the state's ability to provide an education that allows young generations to develop the knowledge, critical thinking, and skills necessary for professional and social development.

Similar questions also arise in the field of science. According to data from the Republic Statistical Office, total expenditures for scientific research and development in Serbia in 2025 amounted to just 0.97% of the gross domestic product. This figure is particularly important when considering the ability of universities and scientific institutes to develop modern research programs, upgrade laboratory equipment, attract young scientists, and participate in international projects. Scientific progress requires long-term institutional support, stable funding, and the professional independence of researchers, not just the formal existence of institutions and academic titles.

Incidents involving unsafe school buildings have raised further questions about the quality of public investment. In April 2025, the ceiling of a classroom in a separate annex of the "Karađorđe" Elementary School in the village of Saranovo near Rača collapsed, just a few months after the building had been renovated. No one was injured because the collapse occurred during the school vacation, but the building was closed, the students were moved to another school, and classes in the original building had not resumed even at the start of the 2026/2027 school year. Similar incidents were recorded in December 2025 at Zemun High School, where a section of the ceiling collapsed in the gymnasium of a building renovated three years earlier, as well as in January 2026 at the "Empress Helena" special education school in Niš, whose building had not been thoroughly renovated for decades.

Another concern in education policy is the school textbook market, where private publishers have gained considerable influence, while the influence of the state's Textbook Institute has weakened. In 2021, the Competition Protection Commission initiated proceedings against the affiliated publishing houses Klett, Novi Logos, and Freska on suspicion of abusing a dominant market position, examining their business strategies, pricing policy, and preferential treatment in textbook selection. The proceedings continued into 2026. This case has raised the broader question of the influence of commercial interests on education, the availability of educational materials, and the state's responsibility to ensure a level playing field in an area that directly affects students, parents, and teachers.

One of the most serious problems facing Serbia's education system is the erosion of its fundamental value through the sale of diplomas, questionable academic credentials, and their use for professional and political advancement. This problem becomes particularly significant when it involves public officials and politically appointed leaders, as people entrusted with responsible government positions are expected to possess the requisite knowledge, expertise, and professional integrity. In such circumstances, doubts about the legitimacy of academic qualifications are not just a matter of an individual official's personal biography, but also of the public's trust in the institutions they manage.

Among the most well-known examples is Megatrend University, whose founder, Mića Jovanović, was one of the founders of the Socialist Party of Serbia and publicly spoke about his political involvement and connections with the highest state officials. In 2014, Jovanović stated that he had played a significant role in the political rapprochement between the SPS and the SNS during the formation of the government in 2012. His academic career became the subject of serious controversy that same year when the Ministry of Education, after an international verification, determined that he had not obtained his doctorate from the London School of Economics, as he had previously claimed. The then-Minister of Education, Srđan Verbić, publicly called for his resignation as rector of Megatrend.

Particular attention was also drawn to the academic qualifications of Nebojša Stefanović, one of the highest-ranking officials of the Serbian Progressive Party, who during his political career has held the positions of Speaker of the National Assembly, Minister of Internal Affairs, and Minister of Defense. His bachelor's degree was linked to the Megatrend educational organization in London, whose status as a higher education institution in the United Kingdom has been seriously questioned. During 2019, criminal complaints and requests for an inspectorate review were filed over suspicions about the legitimacy of that qualification, while Megatrend defended the legality of Stefanović's studies by citing student documentation. The case raised the question of how the qualifications of the people who manage the most important state institutions are verified.

An even more significant institutional conflict developed around the doctoral dissertation of Siniša Mali, a high-ranking SNS official and finance minister. In 2019, the University of Belgrade found academic misconduct in connection with his doctoral dissertation, and the Senate decided to revoke his doctorate. University authorities reconsidered the matter in 2021, but the process was accompanied by administrative disputes and court rulings that overturned the relevant university decisions due to procedural irregularities. As of mid-2026, a final institutional and judicial resolution of the case had not yet been reached.

The case of Siniša Mali also had broader consequences for relations between the University of Belgrade and the political authorities. The then-rector, Ivanka Popović, publicly defended the right of the academic community to independently decide on scientific integrity and professional standards. Her insistence on university autonomy sparked political controversy and placed her at the center of one of the longest-running conflicts between academic institutions and high-ranking government officials.

In the 2021 election for rector, Ivanka Popović did not win a new term, even though she previously had the majority support of the faculties and institutes of the University of Belgrade, as well as the Senate. The Senate supported her with 27 votes, versus 17 votes for her opponent Vladan Đokić, but the University Council then elected Đokić with 23 votes, while Popović received 17. This outcome, in the context of the previous controversy over Siniša Mali's doctorate, opened a serious debate about political influence on university decision-making. Popović herself warned that the university had no precedent for its Council disregarding the Senate's majority support when selecting a rector.

Thus, the issue of a disputed doctorate escalated into a much broader debate about the university's ability to preserve the autonomy of its decisions when they directly relate to the academic qualifications of high-ranking government officials. The particular significance of this case stems from the fact that the university was not deciding on the minister's political suitability, but on academic standards and scientific integrity, which must be the same for every candidate, regardless of their position in the government hierarchy.

The years of controversy surrounding Megatrend led to another major institutional development in November 2025, when the Ministry of Education revoked the operating license of the university and five of its faculties for failing to meet the prescribed accreditation requirements. Such a decision also raised the question of the state's responsibility for the long-term oversight of higher education institutions, especially those that, during their operation, educated a large number of students and issued academic qualifications used in the public and private sectors.

The problem of illegally obtaining academic credentials was not limited to public controversies involving individual universities and politicians. In June 2026, the police uncovered an organized group suspected of producing and selling more than 120 forged educational documents, including high school and college diplomas, certificates of passing exams, and master's degrees. The documents were produced in an illegal print shop in Belgrade, and the illicit profit was estimated at approximately $192,000. Among the suspects was a person in charge of a high school in Novi Pazar.

Cases like these show the serious consequences that can result from undermining the system of academic and professional qualifications. When an educational document is used as a means of advancement, and its value is divorced from actual knowledge, both educational standards and the quality of work of the institutions that accept such qualifications are jeopardized. It is particularly problematic when this issue arises in a political system where party affiliation and connections to the ruling political establishment can play a significant role in professional advancement.

A government's commitment to education cannot be measured solely by budget allocations, the condition of school buildings, or the number of accredited institutions. What matters equally is how effectively the state protects genuine expertise, academic integrity, and professional independence. A society in which knowledge is pushed aside in favor of formal title, and professional competence in favor of political loyalty, faces a long-term weakening of its institutions. Such a devaluation of education creates a space where a professional career depends less and less on actual work results and more and more on an individual's position within the political and institutional hierarchy.

7.2. Political Control of School Leadership and Employment

Political control of educational institutions in Serbia is exercised through the appointment of directors, hiring decisions, and the allocation of financial resources. Particularly important is the role of directors of schools and preschools, whose authority includes organizing work, managing employees, and making decisions that directly determine their professional status. A significant change was introduced by the 2017 Law on the Foundations of the Education System, when the decision-making on director appointments was centralized in the Ministry of Education. While school boards previously had a decisive role in their selection, under the new law, the minister makes the final appointment following a formal selection process. This gave the executive branch direct influence over the leadership of a large number of public educational institutions.

School boards have retained an important role in managing the institutions and conducting the director selection process. Their composition includes representatives of employees, parents, and local government, which is why decisions by local authorities can directly influence relationships within the school. Especially in smaller communities, where educational institutions are among the most important public employers, political influence over school boards and leadership can become a means of controlling hiring, funding, and the professional advancement of employees.

Such a mechanism was demonstrated by events in Niš in early September 2025, when changes to the composition of school boards were initiated in 26 elementary and secondary schools, including the "Bora Stanković," "9th of May," and "Stevan Sremac" gymnasiums. Opposition representatives assessed that this was an attempt to consolidate political control over education by appointing loyal members to school boards, while the city government justified the changes as necessary for the smooth functioning of the institutions. What makes this case particularly serious is the number of schools affected by these almost simultaneous personnel changes, as well as the possibility of influencing the selection of their leaders through school boards.

Appointing acting principals creates another form of dependence, particularly when regular selection procedures are delayed and temporary appointments are repeatedly extended. A manager whose professional future depends on the decision of the competent authorities may be more susceptible to political demands, while this dependency is further passed on to employees through decisions on contracts, job assignments, and promotions.

Public sector hiring freezes, introduced in 2013, further increased the importance of temporary and fixed-term contracts. Many education workers have for years performed regular duties through substitute teaching or other time-limited contracts, without the security of permanent employment. A particularly vulnerable group consists of teachers whose contracts are periodically renewed or whose earnings depend on supplementing their teaching load. Decisions about contract renewals, teaching assignments, and opportunities for permanent employment directly affect their financial security, giving leadership the ability to turn professional dependence into a tool of political pressure.

Testimonies from educators collected ahead of the 2022 elections described demands to join the ruling party, attend political rallies, collect signatures, and secure support from family members and acquaintances. In some schools, political engagement was presented as an expected form of gratitude to the administration that had provided the employee with a job or a contract extension. Particularly striking was the testimony of a teacher from a smaller town who presented an email from the principal to temporary employees. The invitation to participate in the organized event was accompanied by a warning that those who refused would have fewer opportunities to continue working at the school.

The pressures did not always involve overt threats. Expectations of political loyalty could be conveyed through class assignments, contract extensions, professional development opportunities, and other administrative decisions. An unfavorable schedule, reassignment to a separate department, or the denial of professional opportunities could be the consequence of refusing political engagement. Documented testimonies also described pressure on school board members through the employment of their spouses or business relationships their family members had with government institutions. In this way, political dependency extended beyond the immediate relationship between the employee and the school administration.

Another form of political mobilization involved organizing public employees to attend ruling-party rallies. Ahead of the Serbian Progressive Party's "Serbia of Hope" rally, held in Belgrade on May 26, 2023, claims were made in Užice about pressure on employees of public institutions and enterprises to travel to the event in an organized manner. These included educators, while local opposition representatives claimed that elementary school principals were tasked with securing twenty participants each. This case demonstrates how the organizational structure of public educational institutions can be used for party mobilization outside their legal remit.

An even more direct connection to elections involves the collection of so-called secure votes and voter commitments gathered through personal networks. Employees are expected to identify among their family members, friends, and acquaintances voters willing to support the ruling party and pass their information on to party organizers. Thus, an employee's professional dependence is used for the political mobilization of a broader circle of citizens, while the line between their workplace, private life, and freedom of political choice is increasingly being eroded.

Such practices are particularly troubling in schools, where teachers' work depends on the trust of students, parents, and the wider community. When their professional security is linked to partisan engagement, the independence of education is undermined, and public institutions become part of a political organizational network. The fear of job loss, an unfavorable schedule, or a conflict with management simultaneously deters employees from reporting pressure and allows it to be sustained over the long term.

Political control over school leadership and hiring thus becomes a mechanism for securing an electoral advantage long before voters cast their ballots. It allows for the use of public jobs for party mobilization, while placing employees before a choice between professional security and freedom of political affiliation. This undermines both the integrity of educational institutions and the equality of the electoral contest.

7.3. Professional Sanctions, Financial Pressure, and Restrictions on the Autonomy of Educational Institutions

Professional and financial sanctions against teachers and academic institutions in 2025 and 2026 should be viewed in the context of the events that sparked student blockades in late 2024. Following the tragedy at the railway station in Novi Sad on November 1, students and citizens organized peaceful commemorative gatherings, demanding accountability from the responsible institutions. During one such gathering on November 22, students and staff of the Faculty of Dramatic Arts in Belgrade were physically attacked by a group that included identified officials and activists of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party. In direct response to the violence, students began a blockade of the faculty on November 25, demanding the identification and prosecution of the attackers. Their demands and the suspension of classes were unanimously supported by the faculty's Teaching, Artistic, and Scientific Council, and the blockades soon spread to other university institutions. Support for the students' demands became one of the reasons teachers and members of the academic community faced professional, administrative, and financial pressure.

Professional sanctions and political discrimination against teachers

One of the most striking examples was recorded at the First Niš High School "Stevan Sremac," where at the beginning of the 2025/2026 school year, a number of teachers who had supported the student protests did not have their contracts renewed. Among them was a psychology teacher who had worked at the high school for eleven years on a fixed-term contract. Although he received a schedule for the new school year and taught his class on September 1, the very next day he found another person teaching his class. His many years of professional work were thus ended without the opportunity to continue teaching the classes for which he had previously been assigned.

In March 2026, the Commissioner for Equality determined that this teacher and his colleague, a professor of informatics and computer science, were discriminated against on the basis of their political beliefs. Both men had participated in a strike during the previous school year and supported student protests. The school failed to demonstrate objective grounds for declining to renew their employment, even though the need for teachers in their positions still existed. The Commissioner recommended remedying the effects of the discrimination, but the high school did not act on the recommendations, even after receiving formal warnings. On June 11, 2026, the Commissioner publicly reported the school's failure to comply.

A similar case occurred at the "Đura Daničić" Elementary School in Novi Sad, where a teacher who supported civil protests was not offered a contract renewal after the end of the 2024/2025 school year. The students' parents demanded that she continue teaching their children, highlighting her professional achievements, teaching quality, and the importance of educational continuity in the lower grades of elementary school. Despite this, another person was hired, even though the need for a teacher in the same position still existed. In May 2026, the Commissioner found discrimination based on political belief and recommended re-hiring the teacher, as well as a written apology for the action.

These cases and hundreds of others like them across Serbia show that professional sanctions do not only affect employees who express political dissent. Their consequences are also felt by students, parents, and teaching staff. When a school is left without an experienced teacher for reasons the competent authority finds to be discriminatory, the continuity of education is disrupted, while a clear message is sent to other employees about the possible consequences of publicly expressing their views. A particularly serious institutional problem arises when the management of an educational institution refuses to implement the recommendations of the state body responsible for protecting equality.

Financial pressures on universities and the academic community

Pressures on university professors have taken on a different, but significantly broader, form through financial measures by the Serbian Government. In March 2025, the regulation determining the workload norms at state universities was amended, changing the previous allocation of twenty hours of teaching and twenty hours of scientific research per week to thirty-five hours of teaching and only five hours of research. This decision was made during student blockades and the suspension of regular classes, when a large number of university professors supported student demands or participated in academic community activities related to the protests.

The revised workload rules enabled substantial cuts to the government-funded portion of faculty salaries during the suspension of classes. In some cases, salaries were reduced to as little as 12.5% of their previous amount, while the subsequent payment of full salaries was tied to the completion of the 2024–2025 academic year. This made the funding of professional work directly linked to the institutional conflict over the student blockades. The consequences were not limited to the individual salaries of the faculty, but also affected their families, professional security, and the ability to continue their research work.

A particularly serious problem was the reduction of research time to five hours per week. University professors are not just lecturers, but also researchers whose work includes scientific projects, international collaboration, publishing professional papers, and developing new knowledge. The administrative reduction in research time could also have jeopardized eligibility for certain European research grants, which have specific requirements regarding research commitment.

Following public pressure, the regulation was repealed by a government decision on July 30, 2026, which took effect in August, thereby restoring the previous allocation of teaching and research work. However, during its implementation, a large number of university professors faced serious financial consequences, while the academic community challenged this method of calculation for more than a year. This case shows how strong an impact the executive branch can have by changing regulations that directly determine the professional and material status of university professors.

Political Influence on the Management of Scientific Research Institutions

Changes in the leadership of research institutions during 2025 raised further concerns about institutional autonomy. National and provincial authorities replaced members of the governing boards of certain research institutes, and in one case the leadership, which provoked opposition from employees and the initiation of legal proceedings over the disputed legality of the appointments. Particular attention was drawn to events at the BioSens Institute in Novi Sad, one of Serbia's significant scientific research institutions in the field of information technology and biosystems.

During the summer of 2025, the Provincial Government changed the members of the BioSens Institute's Board of Directors, after which a new leadership was elected. Some employees challenged the legality of these decisions and questioned the professional qualifications of the newly appointed governing board members. This was followed by legal proceedings, warning strikes, and a months-long institutional conflict. In November 2025, the Economic Court of Appeal overturned the decision registering the then-acting director as the Institute's legal representative. The conflict continued into 2026, and in October, all three employee representatives on the Board of Directors announced their resignations, citing a long-standing disagreement with the institution's management.

The events at the BioSens Institute are particularly significant because they show that the issue of political influence on education and science is not limited to schools and universities. Scientific research institutions depend on expertise, project continuity, international trust, and the autonomy to make scientific decisions. Prolonged conflicts over their leadership undermine the independence needed to ensure that scientific standards take precedence over political and administrative interests.

State University of Novi Pazar and the Threat to Academic Rights

One of the most complex examples of pressure on the academic community is the State University of Novi Pazar. Its establishment in 2006 had special social significance, as it made public higher education more accessible to young people from Novi Pazar and surrounding municipalities. In a city with a majority Bosniak population, such a decision also represented an important step in the institutional inclusion of a national community that had lived for the previous decade in a society burdened by wars, ethnic divisions, and political distrust. The university allowed more young people to pursue their education and professional development within their own community, without the mandatory departure to distant university centers.

Nearly two decades later, the State University of Novi Pazar faced a serious crisis involving university governance, faculty members' professional standing, and students' rights. During 2025, students and some professors warned about problems related to the organization of studies, staffing decisions, the status of certain programs, and the conduct of the university's leadership. The conflict escalated into a prolonged blockade, as students demanded the protection of their academic rights and a change in the institution's management.

At a large protest held on December 21, 2025, students announced that more than 200 of their peers had lost their student status, while approximately thirty professors had been left without jobs. The university administration disputed their interpretation of the events, stating that some faculty members had not continued their employment, while students had not renewed or enrolled for the next year. However, the scale of the conflict and the large number of people whose academic or professional status had become uncertain demonstrated the seriousness of the institutional crisis. The protest brought together students and citizens from different parts of Serbia, giving the issue of the Novi Pazar University's survival and autonomy broader social significance.

Three days before the protest, Professor Tanja Soldatović was elected as the new rector. Following negotiations with students and the agreements that resulted, the university blockade ended on January 26, 2026. The agreement included resolving students' enrollment status and announcing new hiring competitions for faculty members who had lost their positions. The students then announced that the status had been restored for 180 of their colleagues, while the issue of the teaching staff was to be resolved through new hiring procedures.

However, the lifting of the blockade did not mark the complete end of the crisis. During September 2026, a portion of the previously hired professors were still waiting for the opportunity to return to the university, while public reports indicated that some teaching positions had in the meantime been filled by hiring staff from other higher education institutions. Thus, the question of accountability for previous staffing decisions remained open even after the change of rector.

The case of the State University of Novi Pazar is particularly significant because of the discrepancy between the social purpose of its founding and the problems it has faced in recent years. An institution founded to expand educational opportunities, regional development, and institutional inclusion found itself in a situation where students and professors had to demand the preservation of their academic and professional standing through prolonged protests.

Examples from Niš, Novi Sad, scientific research institutes, and the State University of Novi Pazar show the different ways in which political and administrative pressures can affect education. In some cases, these pressures take the form of contract nonrenewals and discrimination against teachers; in others, they involve financial measures affecting entire universities or changes in leadership, challenges to professional decisions, and threats to students' academic status. What these cases have in common is that they undermine the job security and institutional independence of people whose work depends on knowledge, professional expertise, and freedom of critical thought.

7.4. Political Pressure on Two of Serbia's Most Prestigious High Schools

The events at Jovan Jovanović Zmaj High School in Novi Sad and the Fifth Belgrade High School during 2025 and 2026 represent two particularly striking examples of conflicts between educational authorities, school administrations, teachers, students, and their parents. Both are among Serbia's most prestigious high schools, with a significance that extends well beyond the education of generations of students. The tradition of Jovan Jovanović Zmaj High School dates back to 1810, while the Fifth Belgrade High School originated from the First Girls' Gymnasium, founded in 1905. Both have played an important role in the development of Serbian science, culture, and education throughout their history.

Their historical significance helped bring widespread public attention to the institutional conflicts that affected both schools during 2025 and 2026. In both high schools, protests by students and parents, professional sanctions against teachers, challenges to management decisions, and interventions by state authorities have escalated into prolonged crises. Although the events unfolded under different circumstances, their consequences directly affected the educational process, the professional standing of teachers, and the right of students to freely express their opinions.

Jovan Jovanović Zmaj High School in Novi Sad

The conflict at Jovan Jovanović Zmaj High School developed from the end of 2024, when students and part of the teaching staff supported student protests and demands for institutional accountability. Relations with Principal Radivoj P. Stojković gradually deteriorated, and in early February 2025, the Parents' Council, the Student Parliament, and a portion of the teaching staff called for his dismissal. The Student Parliament voted 65 to 1, with five abstentions, to support initiating disciplinary proceedings against the principal. The reasons cited included psychological pressure on students, their being escorted to meetings in the presence of the police, and interference with the work of the Student Parliament.

During 2025, classes were relocated from the high school's main building due to safety concerns related to the structure of the building's dome. Students were distributed among three other high schools, while parents disputed the length of the relocation and demanded clear information about the building's safety and the possibility of returning. The prolonged reorganization of classes further strained relations between parents, teachers, and the school's administration.

A particularly serious incident occurred on May 13, 2026, during a parent protest in front of the Technical School, where some students from Jovina High School were temporarily attending classes. When students were due to leave for their break, the school doors were locked to prevent them from joining the protest outside. Some students were leaving the school through windows, while Principal Stojković justified the lockdown by citing concerns for their safety. The incident sparked new protests from parents and calls for his dismissal.

In late May, the principal suspended several teachers who had previously participated in the strikes and publicly criticized the school administration's actions. The disciplinary actions were related to alleged violations of work duties, participation in work stoppages, and certain public statements. The conflict escalated further in early September 2026, when 16 teachers were left without jobs in just two days. They were all members of a union that, over the previous year, had organized strikes, supported student protests, and demanded the principal's removal. Among them were teachers with many years of experience at this high school.

Marija Vasić, from detention to the fight to return to work

Among the professors of Jovina High School, Marija Vasić, a sociology teacher with more than two decades of work at the institution, stands out. Her experience encompasses a criminal proceeding against political activists, a months-long restriction of her freedom, serious health consequences, and subsequent professional sanctions at the school.

Marija Vasić was arrested on March 14, 2025, the day before a major student protest in Belgrade, along with five other activists from Novi Sad. They were charged with preparing an act against the constitutional order and security of Serbia, after a recording of their conversation was made public. Defense attorneys challenged both how the recording had been obtained and whether its use was lawful. Vasić spent almost two months in detention, and after the decision to extend it on May 13, she began a hunger and thirst strike. Due to a deterioration in her health, she was transferred to the Special Prison Hospital in Belgrade, where she received medical care. Her students, colleagues, and citizens organized support rallies, demanding her release.

On May 20, 2025, the Appeals Court in Novi Sad ordered that Marija Vasić be transferred to house arrest with electronic monitoring. The measure was lifted on October 15, allowing her to remain free while defending herself in the ongoing criminal proceedings.

However, in May 2026, she found herself at the center of an institutional conflict again, this time at the school where she taught. Principal Radivoje P. Stojković suspended her along with several other professors, initiating disciplinary proceedings for alleged violations of her work duties. Among the charges brought against her were participating in a warning strike and public statements in which she criticized the principal and his attitude toward students and teachers.

On August 19, 2026, the Basic Court in Novi Sad issued a temporary measure ordering that Marija Vasić be immediately reinstated as a sociology professor, pending the conclusion of the disciplinary proceedings. Similar decisions were also made in favor of other suspended teachers, including Rima Grujić, Dragan Vulić, and Jovan Travica. The high school administration did not comply with the court orders, and in early October, job openings for the positions of professors Vasić and Grujić were announced.

On October 16, 2026, the Basic Court in Novi Sad imposed fines for failing to comply with the decisions to reinstate the teachers. Principal Radivoje P. Stojković was fined approximately $96, and the high school was fined approximately $960. The professors continued to demand the enforcement of the court decisions and their return to their jobs.

The students of Jovina High School returned to their main building on October 12, 2026, after more than a year of classes in other schools. They marked the return by performing the school anthem, but at the same time, they displayed a banner with the names of 52 professors who they stated had meanwhile lost their jobs. A portion of the teachers, including those who had been ordered by a court to return to their jobs, did not return with the students. Parents continued to demand the director's dismissal and a resolution to the professional status of the employees.

Fifth Belgrade High School

A similar institutional conflict developed at Belgrade's Fifth High School after the Ministry of Education appointed Danka Nešović as acting principal in February 2025. Her appointment was met with opposition from a portion of the teaching staff, students, and parents, and within the first few weeks of her tenure, serious disagreements arose over the organization of classes, access to the school building, and the treatment of employees who had supported the student protests.

In the months that followed, many teachers did not have their contracts renewed, while others faced disciplinary proceedings. By the start of the 2025/2026 school year, 13 of the school's 32 homeroom teachers had been replaced, which caused dissatisfaction among parents and students due to the loss of teaching continuity and long-serving professors. Parent representatives filed complaints with the relevant institutions, and the Ombudsman initiated a procedure to review the legality and correctness of the Ministry of Education's work.

On October 13, 2025, students began a blockade of the high school, demanding a change in leadership and the return of the teachers. In November, the Ministry of Education organized classes in two elementary schools in Palilula, which sparked further disputes due to the lack of specialized classrooms, laboratories, and other facilities necessary for high school education. The students and teachers returned to the main building on December 22, but the reasons that sparked the conflict were not resolved.

The Ministry of Education's decision to award Danka Nešović the Saint Sava Award on January 27, 2026, for exceptional dedication in professional public service attracted particular public attention. She received one of Serbia's highest state honors in education after months of protests by students, parents, and teachers who demanded her dismissal and a review of staffing decisions.

Among the students who publicly criticized the decision was Lazar Zgonjanin, who, in a television appearance, questioned what the principal had done to deserve the award amid a prolonged crisis at the high school. Following his appearance, disciplinary proceedings were initiated, and during a meeting with the school psychologist and administration, he was questioned about his contacts with the media and whether he was being paid. His parents and legal representative described this action as undue pressure on the student for his publicly expressed opinion. On February 4, 2026, a protest in support of Zgonjanin was organized in front of the high school, attended by students, parents, citizens, and representatives of the academic community.

At the end of February, Danka Nešović left her position as acting principal and became the Assistant Minister of Education for Secondary Education. Ognjen Mrvaljević, a physical education teacher, was appointed as the head of the high school, but disciplinary proceedings and professional conflicts continued.

Among the teachers who lost their jobs, Latin teacher Milkica Prica stands out, having worked at the Fifth High School for almost twenty years. Following a five-month disciplinary process, the new principal issued a decision terminating her employment on September 3, 2026, which was confirmed by the school's temporary governing body on September 23. Prica disputed the allegations of job misconduct and the legality of the proceedings, while her students publicly highlighted her expertise, dedication, and many years of teaching.

Two High Schools, One Question

The conflicts at Jovan Jovanović Zmaj High School in Novi Sad and Belgrade's Fifth High School continued even after one school changed principals and students at the other returned to their original building. Teachers were losing their jobs or being suspended, students were protesting the treatment of their professors, and parents were demanding intervention from the competent authorities for months. At the same time, students, teachers, and parents who challenged school administrators' decisions were subjected to an intense campaign of public vilification, including personal attacks, insults, and accusations of politically exploiting children and destroying educational institutions. Such a campaign represented an additional form of public pressure, portraying the people who were demanding the protection of their rights and professional dignity as responsible for the very crises they were trying to resolve. In Novi Sad, the conflict reached a point where a court fined the high school and its principal for failing to implement decisions to reinstate teachers. In Belgrade, the Ministry of Education awarded a state recognition to the principal whose dismissal had been demanded by students, parents, and part of the teaching staff, while disciplinary proceedings were initiated against the student who publicly criticized the decision.

The treatment of two institutions with such a long educational tradition has raised questions about the limits of administrative authority over schools, the protection of teachers' professional authority, students' rights, and the role of parents. At a protest in support of the student of the Fifth High School on February 4, 2026, film director and full professor at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts Janko Baljak uttered a sentence that has remained one of the most memorable public assessments of this conflict.

"What is happening at the Fifth High School will one day be studied as part of this country's history of disgrace."

7.5. The Attack on Faculty of Dramatic Arts Students, the Rise of the Student Movement, and Its Political Consequences

From Attacks on Students to University Blockades

The student movement that developed in late 2024 arose after the tragedy at the Novi Sad railway station on November 1, when students, teachers, and citizens began organizing memorial gatherings and demanding accountability from the responsible institutions. The fifteen-minute traffic stoppages, with one minute of silence for each victim confirmed at the time, became both an act of remembrance and a public expression of dissatisfaction with the authorities' response. The immediate trigger for the university blockades, however, was the attack on students and staff at Belgrade's Faculty of Dramatic Arts on November 22, 2024, during one such peaceful gathering.

Among the identified participants in the attack were activists and officials of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party, including a member of the Novi Beograd Municipal Council. On November 25, students began a blockade of the faculty, demanding the identification and prosecution of the attackers, and their demands and the suspension of classes were unanimously supported by the Faculty's Teaching, Artistic, and Scientific Council. The blockades soon spread to other university institutions. Students used the blockades to press public institutions to act lawfully, protect participants in peaceful gatherings, and establish accountability for the Novi Sad tragedy.

Student demands included the publication of the complete documentation on the railway station reconstruction, accountability for those responsible for attacks on protest participants, the release of detained participants and the withdrawal of unfounded charges against them, as well as an increase in budget funding for public universities. Students made decisions about the blockades through plenums, assemblies where participants directly debated and decided how to organize their activities.

The attack at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts later resulted in criminal proceedings. In 2025, three defendants entered into plea agreements that resulted in suspended sentences and fines. Among them was Milija Koldžić, a former member of the Novi Beograd Municipal Council, who in June 2025 received a six-month suspended prison sentence and a fine of approximately $480. This concluded the criminal proceedings against the three defendants, while the attack itself had already become the start of a much broader social movement.

Expansion of the student movement and demands for institutional accountability

During December 2024, the blockades spread to colleges and university institutions in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš, Kragujevac, and other cities. The student movement gained support from some groups of teachers, university professors, high school students, and citizens outside the academic community. The protests gradually spread beyond campus, linking demands for accountability with freedom of assembly, professional independence, and the conduct of state institutions.

Of particular importance was the movement's method of organization. Student assemblies enabled participants to make decisions directly, while the faculties coordinated their activities with each other without a single party leadership. This model enabled the inclusion of students with different political beliefs, from various faculties and social backgrounds, with joint activities based primarily on demands addressed to state institutions.

Over the following months, students organized protest marches, gatherings, and joint actions in numerous cities across Serbia. A particularly large rally was held on March 15, 2025, in Belgrade, when students and citizens from different parts of the country gathered to demand institutional accountability and the fulfillment of student demands. The gathering was one of the largest protests in the modern history of Serbia and showed that the movement that began in the universities had the support of a much broader part of society.

The attitude of state institutions toward the students' demands became one of the key issues of the political crisis. Government representatives claimed that some or all demands had been met and called for the resumption of the regular educational process, while student assemblies disputed the completeness of the released documentation and the effectiveness of the actions taken by the competent authorities. Under these circumstances, the blockades continued, and the conflict over institutional responsibility transcended the boundaries of the educational system.

Violence, intimidation, and threats against student organizing

The spread of the student movement was accompanied by numerous cases of physical violence, threats, detentions, and public discrediting of participants. A particularly serious attack occurred in Novi Sad during the night of January 27-28, 2025, when students were attacked and a student from the Academy of Arts had her jaw broken. Four activists of the Serbian Progressive Party were charged with participating in the violence, and criminal proceedings were initiated against them.

On July 2, 2025, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić granted a pardon to the four defendants. On July 15, the Basic Court in Novi Sad dismissed the indictment due to the legal effect of the presidential pardon, thereby ending the criminal prosecution in that case without a final conviction. The decision sparked significant public backlash, particularly due to the defendants' political connections and the severity of the injuries inflicted on the student.

In addition to the immediate violence, student organizing was subjected to pressure through the public labeling of participants as political opponents of the government, accusations of causing instability, and discrediting campaigns in media outlets close to the ruling party. Such portrayal of the protests further exacerbated the social conflict and affected the position of students and professors who publicly supported the demands for accountability.

A particular dimension was the threat to private communication. A forensic analysis of the student activist's phone, published by Amnesty International in February 2025, determined that during his police detention on December 25, 2024, the device was unlocked using Cellebrite technology, without his knowledge or consent. Forensic investigators also found evidence of an attempted installation of an unidentified application. This case builds on previously documented instances of the use of technology to access the private data of journalists and civil society activists.

The possibility of unauthorized access to private conversations, contacts, and data is particularly significant for a movement whose organization depends on mutual trust and free communication. When participants must contend with the risk of physical assault, public intimidation, or surveillance, it limits their ability to plan activities, gather supporters, and freely express political views without pressure.

From Student Demands to the Parliamentary Election Process

After months of blockades and protests, the student movement gradually developed a demand for a political resolution to the crisis through parliamentary elections. In early May 2025, the student protesters demanded the dissolution of the National Assembly and the calling of snap parliamentary elections, arguing that the actions of state institutions to date had not addressed their demands. Thus, the organization that began as a response to violence and a lack of institutional accountability took on an immediate electoral significance.

The student movement did not represent a single political party, nor did all students share the same electoral preferences. Its engagement with the electoral process developed through the decisions of student assemblies, public debates, and support for citizen initiatives. The activities continued throughout the following year, and a large commemoration in Novi Sad on November 1, 2025, the anniversary of the tragedy, confirmed that the students' demands still had public support.

In September 2026, the citizens' group "Student List – Students Win" submitted a list of candidates for members of parliament to the Republic Electoral Commission of Serbia, along with signatures collected from citizens in support of the list. Serbia's national election commission officially approved the list on September 15 for the parliamentary elections scheduled for October 25, 2026. On the consolidated electoral list established on October 8, the Student List was assigned the number three spot.

The student movement that emerged in educational institutions in late 2024 thus became directly involved in the parliamentary electoral process. The issue of the safety of participants, freedom of public expression, opportunities for political communication, and equal access for citizens has become significant not only for the continuation of student activities but also for the conditions under which the electoral contest is organized.

The development of the student movement, from demands for accountability from state institutions to direct participation in the parliamentary election process, has shown how the issue of education transcends the boundaries of schools and universities. Political control of educational institutions, the devaluation of expertise, professional sanctions, and pressure on the academic community are part of a broader institutional problem in which independent knowledge and free thought confront political power. Student organizing opened up the possibility for this conflict to be expressed through elections as well, making the issue of academic independence directly linked to the freedom of political organizing and the equality of electoral competition.

However, the events of 2024 have once again affirmed the deeply rooted tradition of civil resistance in Serbian society. From the struggle for university autonomy in 1936 to the demands for social justice and democratization in 1968 and the months-long protests defending the results of local elections in 1996–1997, Serbia's academic community has repeatedly demonstrated its willingness to resist abuses of power under different political systems. This tradition was continued by students, professors, teachers, and citizens who, despite violence, professional sanctions, financial pressure, and personal sacrifices, persisted in their demands for institutional accountability. Their perseverance reflects Serbia's democratic maturity and a European tradition of civic engagement that long predates today's political divisions. This story is therefore not only about attempts to bring education under political control. It is also about Serbian society's ability to defend the independence of its institutions, the dignity of knowledge, and the right of citizens to decide their own future freely.